Saturday, January 25, 2014
Delhi High Court on the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013
Saturday, December 7, 2013
Faux pas lies in the law of the land
Sunday, April 28, 2013
News Report is wrong and shocking
Tuesday, May 22, 2012
Quota crutches
The Tribune,
Quota crutches
I endorse DR Chaudhry’s views in the article, “Reservation stir in Haryana” (March 23) that reservation was meant for a period of 10 years, hoping that deprived sections would climb up the social ladder and would no longer be in need of a quota crutch”.
The founding fathers’ vision of reservation policy was like that of the crutches lent to a limbless person until his limbs grow up and he stands on his own legs The time has come at such a pass, paradoxically, where we see that the erstwhile limbless person, now having fully-grown limbs, does not want to let go off the borrowed crutches, and the inherently able-bodied person has also started clamouring for the crutches.
It is time now to gradually phase out reservations. The concept of creamy layer in the SC/ST should be introduced. The income from any other source including salaries should be included while computing annual income.
Other modalities of affirmative action like financial help in the form of various scholarships, fee reimbursements, dedicated training programmes etc should be stressed on.
Some other criteria in addition to caste factor for entitlement to reservation should be put in place.
Dr RAJENDER GOYAL, Delhi
Friday, May 11, 2012
Divine merchants
Friday, May 4, 2012
RESERVATION EMBROGLIO
PS CAVEAT:- I have been misquoted by News Paper The Tribune in certain material aspects:-
- I never entitled my write up as “Jats vs non-jats as published. Rather the write up I had sent was entitled as “RESERVATION EMBROGLIO”.
- The words “Unless physically handcapped” in the last line are the concoction of the News paper in the guise of necessary editing. I had used the expression "Be that as it may be, we must be alive to the hard fact that reservation is a state's charity and it is highly unbecoming of any self-respecting person to live off anybody’s alms unless it is not at all possible to stand on one's own legs due to some insurmountable present or historical reasons".
It is crystal clear that expression "due to some insurmountable present or historical reasons" enables the extension of the reservation benefits not only to the physically handicapped persons but also to SC/ST/BC/OBC/Widows/victims of riots and natural calamities etc in genuine cases.
The political power is the magnet that attracts all other coveted temporal attributes like money, strength, status, recognition etc. in tow. In the context of jat agitation for reservation, we must know that after the formation of Haryana in November 1966, for most of the time, the Chief Minister of the state is from jat community. Intermittently, if there have been non-jat Chief Ministers, they were either a protégé of some powerful jat leader of the time or seen hankering after jat supports for survival. It bears out the pre-eminent position and stout political clout of jats in Haryana. Hence, it sounds quite queasy to hear the shrieks of demand for reservation from with in the jat community.
The quota based reservation policy a part of the affirmative action was aimed as a tool of egalitarianism. It now stands catapulted as a prized booty. To grab upon reservation- one has to engage with the state and take casualties. The fumes billowed out of Gujjar agitation in Rajasthan have hardly died down, now jats are up in the arms in Haryana demanding reservation and guess who can be the next? Obviously only those daredevils who can muster up enough strength to block national highways, vandalise the public and private property, jeopardize others’ lives, chase away the police and security personnel, sacrifice precious lives at the altar of reservation cauldron and above the all, enjoy overt or covert political patronage from either side of the fence! The common refrain of the protagonists of the jat reservation is that some other peasantry castes in Haryana already enjoy the benefits of the reservation, then, why jat should not be? It must be brought home to them that two wrongs do not make a right, they constitute a plumb blunder. The remedy lies in denotifying and disentitling any of such castes to reap the fruits of the reservation, if after an objective appraisal, found that they do not qualify for it.
Be that as it may be, we must be alive to the hard fact that reservation is a state's charity and it is highly unbecoming of any self-respecting person to live off anybody’s alms unless it is not at all possible to stand on one's own legs due to some insurmountable present or historical reasons. We should shun the path of confrontation and violence, and pledge to dedicate ourselves in the mission of nation-building to find our Country in the league of the developed countries in the next two decade.
Friday, February 24, 2012
Stand-off between Private School Owners and Haryana Government over free Education to Students Belonging to Poor Families
Rule 134A added vide notification No. S.O.3/H.A.12/1999/S.24/ 2007 dated: 19-01-2007 sets out that “the recognized private schools shall reserve 25% seats for meritorious poor students. The school shall charge fee from these students at the rate as charged in Government schools. The deficit of difference of fee shall be charged from the other students of the school”. It is noteworthy that the said rule 134A was again amended in the year 2009 vide notification No S.O.24/H.A.12/1999/S.24 (1)/ 2009 dated: 21-02-2009 to the effect that “the recognized private schools shall reserve 25% seats for meritorious poor students. The school shall charge fee from these students at the rate as charged in Government schools”.
Hence, it is unequivocally clear that after the amendment of 2009 in Rule 134, no burden shall shift on the other students (i.e. remaining 75% students) for the recovery of deficit of difference of fee. Moreover, section 12(2) of the RTE Act, 2009 mandates that the private unaided school providing free and compulsory elementary education shall be reimbursed expenditure so incurred by it to the extent of per-child-expenditure incurred by the State, or the actual amount charged from the child, whichever is less, in such manner as may be prescribed provided that such reimbursement shall not exceed per-child-expenditure incurred by a government school provided further that where such school is already under obligation to provide free education to a specified number of children on account of it having received any land, building, equipment or other facilities, either free of cost or at a concessional rate, such school shall not be entitled for reimbursement to the extent of such obligation. Furthermore, under the Act vide section12 (1) (c) private unaided Schools are under an obligation to admit in class I only, to the extent of at least twenty-five per cent of the strength of that class, children belonging to weaker section and disadvantaged group in the neighbourhood and provide free and compulsory elementary education till its completion.
Thus, neither extant Rule 134A of Haryana Education Rule, 2003 as amended in the year 2009 is prejudicial to the interest of the students of well-off family as it does not shift any financial burden on them nor the RTE Act, 2009 obligates the private school to make the provision for 25% quota for admission all across the board other than Class1. However, to keep up the financial health of private unaided school, it will be desirable if Rule 134A is suitably amended so that Government compensate the expanses incurred by said schools in bringing home the objective of Rule 134A.
Saturday, December 31, 2011
Defection in the garb of a merger: The protagonists of the merger need to revisit the tenth schedule of the Indian Constitution
There is a deluge of views emanating from distinguished persons on the raging controversy regarding the validity of changing of side in the garb of a merger by the five MLAs of Haryana Janhit Congress (BL) with the Indian National Congress in Haryana and the whipping boy is the tenth schedule of the Indian Constitution enshrining the anti-defection law. The self-fulfilling interpretation of the provisions of the anti-defection law by the legal eagles to suit a desired end, the suspicion on the non-partisanship of Hon’ble Speaker of the Legislative Assembly and lack of definitive judicial pronouncement on the subject has cast serious doubts on the efficacy of the anti-defection law, and accentuates the need to put the relevant law in its true perspective.
In fact, the para 4 of the tenth schedule of the Constitution enabling the merger of a political party is highly democratic envisaging a “collaborative and participatory working” between the political party concerned and its legislature party consisting of elected representatives in the State Legislature or Parliament whatever may be the case. The law strives to strike a fine balance between the interests of political party and the aspirations of the elected representatives (denoting the will of the people) comprising the legislature party concerned. The contents and intent of the said law lend emphatic credence to the inference that any decision for such merger can only be taken by the original political party in accordance with the rules and procedure as delineated in the constitution of that political party, and to take it further to any logical conclusion must find favour with not less than two-thirds of the elected members of the legislature party concerned. Only a well-considered decision in consequence of due deliberations in concert with each other will sanctify the merger. Hence, it is seemingly erroneous to contend that unilateral decision of the two-third members of the legislature party bypassing the political party ipso facto seals the fate of the latter.
The Apex Court in Ravi S. Naik (1994) while interpreting para 3 of said schedule (has since been repealed by the Constitution (Ninety-first Amendment) Act, 2003, w.e.f. January 1st, 2004) dealing with split in a political party had intoned that “even if there is 100% merger of the legislature party, without a split in the original party there can be no split”. It is noteworthy that said law of split enshrined in the repealed para 3 contemplated a lesser evil inasmuch as not immediately annihilating the existence of original political party. In consequence of split in original political party, the members of the breakaway faction constituted a separate political party and at the same time the original political party also retained its existence Where as in the present case under para 4 of the tenth schedule of the Constitution, the moment the merger is deemed to be valid, the existence of the original political party (read Haryana Janhit Congress) is wiped out entailing grave identity crisis for its founder & supremo Sh. Kuldeep Singh Bishnoi and other worthy members of the party not having countenanced to such a merger- a bizarre and unthinkable result which could never be intended by the anti-defection law as enshrined in the tenth schedule of the Constitution. Hence, as a corollary to above mentioned legal and factual position, it can be propounded that if split could not legally be effected in a political party under the law of split as was adumbrated in repealed para 3 of the tenth schedule of the Constitution without a split in original political party notwithstanding the fact that all members of the legislature party break away from the political party concerned , a fortiori, the merger of a political party into another political party becomes highly untenable just at the instance of members of the legislature party irrespective of their numbers in the absence of any decision of the political party concerned for such a merger.
However, courtesy to the peculiar constitutional scheme of things, and also relying on the hindsight, it can conveniently be prophesized that by the time any litigative churning-up will settle down and adjudication will attain finality, the term of the present legislative assembly will come to an end.
Since there is no direct authoritative ruling of the Apex Court on the para 4 of the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution and the vacuum is being rampantly misused/abused by the unscrupulous political parties and politicians, hence, it will be in the fitness of the things to invoke Article 143 of the Constitution to seek the opinion of the Supreme Court through a Presidential reference on the vexed question.
Dr RAJENDER GOYAL, Advocate and
Visiting Faculty in Law
CPJ College of Higher Studies & School of Law, Delhi
Sunday, October 30, 2011
Unwarranted glorification of M.Phil in derogation of Ph.D
Bare facedly, the said short listing criteria bear out that those candidates who are NET + Ph.D simpliciter do not find any place in any of the categories except the residuary Category-7 that reads as “All the candidates who do not fall in any of the above category if fulfill the eligibility conditions will be called for interview.” Conversely, the candidates who are NET + M.Phil simpliciter enjoy weightage/preferential treatment and are privileged to find place in Category-6 that reads as “NET/SLET with 2nd Class M.Phil” i.e. one notch above the residuary category-7 wherein only the NET + Ph.D simpliciter may find a place as per the prescribed criteria.
The above factual narration clearly shows that said short listing criteria has assigned M.Phil a superior place in derogation of Ph.D. that is highly unnatural, untenable, unreasonable and arbitrary.
It is further brought out that said short listing criteria assigning weightage/preferential treatment to M.Phil. in one manner or other seems to be unwarranted and undesirable as far as discipline of Law is concerned, keeping in view the fact that, no University (whether State or Private or Deemed) or any other Institute in and around Haryana offers M.Phil Course in Law.
Dr. RAJENDER GOYAL
Thursday, October 6, 2011
Supreme Court verdict raises a vital issue of bearing of Morality on Law
Does law and morality not have any nexus with each other? Can a law be formulated in total oblivion of moral considerations? If a law is bereft of morality, can it be enforced efficaciously? Is Law in force in India has underpinnings of morality in it? A bird’s eye view of various laws in force in India will bear out that it is not entirely devoid of morality viz. Law against immoral trafficking including Prostitution, Child Labour; Exemption of certain movable and immovable property from attachment and sale in execution of a decree; Complete exoneration of criminal acts of a child under seven years of age; Plethora of social welfare Legislations; Special provisions for Women, Children and other Vulnerable sections of the Society; Quota based Reservation Policy as a part of Affirmative Action are worth mentioning in a ocean that abounds with such provision.
However, human rights as appendages of “fundamental right of life and personal liberty” as enshrined in the Indian Constitution are inalienable. Going by that yardstick, once Supreme Court holds that right to property is one of the human rights, shouldn’t the law of adverse possession become ultra vire the Constitution of India and hence, a dead letter.
As a Corollary, doesn’t the law that declare a debt as time barred if no legal proceedings initiated for recovery with in three year from the time when it became due also deserves the protective cover of human rights? Doesn’t every rigor of law of limitation impinge on one or other human right?
Saturday, September 10, 2011
National Judicial Oversight Committee
Oversight committee
This refers to the news report “Judicial Accountability: Legal community divided on inclusion of MPs in oversight committee” (September 5). I want to point out that this report has wrongly stated, “Under the provisions of the Bill introduced in Parliament, all the members of the oversight committee would be nominated by the Chief Justice of India”.
On the contrary, Section 18 of the Judicial Standard and Accountability Bill, 2010, says:
(1) The National Judicial Oversight Committee shall consist of the following, namely:
(a) a retired Chief Justice of India appointed by the President, after ascertaining the views of the Chief Justice of India-- Chairperson;
(b) a judge of the Supreme Court nominated by the Chief Justice of
India-- Member;
(c) the Chief Justice of a High Court nominated by the Chief Justice of India-- Member ex-officio;
(d) the Attorney General for India—ex-officio Member;
(e) an eminent person nominated by the President-- Member
Hence, it can be culled out that all the members of the oversight committee are not envisaged to be appointed by the Chief Justice of India. Kindly put the record straight accordingly.
Dr RAJENDER GOYAL, Advocate,
Bahadurgarh
Thursday, September 1, 2011
The Report of Parliamentary Standing Committee on Law and Justice and Personnel on the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2010
It is trite to say that concept of Independence of Higher is of colossal significance in a Democratic Republic Federal State. The “scheme and procedure of selection and appointment, transfer and removal of Judges in Higher Judiciary” is having an unexceptionally indispensable role in establishing, asserting and perpetuating the Independence of Higher Judiciary. Only competent, meritorious and qualified persons of great legal caliber, expertise, meticulousness, precision, immaculate honesty, impeccable integrity, unimpeachable character, undaunting courage and unwavering determination selected through a transparent, merit-oriented, efficacious and holistic methodology having security of tenure and necessary safeguards in place against unregulated and arbitrary transfer and removal, and discharging their duties and functions without fear or favour, and sufficiently protected against Executive’s interferences and prejudices can bring home the most cherished constitutional ideal of the ”Independence of Higher Judiciary.”
Whereas the Bill of 2010 provides for setting up of a ‘broad based’ “National Judicial Oversight Committee”(NJOC) and an ‘all Judges’ “Scrutiny Committee”, the Parliamentary Standing Committee has recommended that composition of NJOC should be broadened further representing all the three organs of the State namely, Executive, Legislature and Judiciary, and that Scrutiny Panel should also include non-judicial members.
However, needless to emphasize that Judicial accountability, transparency and independence are interwoven. To protect the sacrosanct “Independence of Higher Judiciary”, the final decision making body i.e. NJOC should comprise of ‘all judges’. Conversely, the Scrutiny Committee should be broad based as much as possible. Moreover, the matter of appointment of the judges in higher judiciary could also be entrusted to a wider body with representation from the judiciary, the executive and legislature and civil society than the present ‘Judicial Collegium’. It is suggested that it could be entrusted to the broad based "Scrutiny Committee" as proposed above which could initially screen the names and thereafter, refer the same to the NJOC for final recommendation. The matter of the transfer of the Judges/Chief Justices of the High Courts should be entrusted to the NJOC only without any interference of the Scrutiny Committee and its decision should be final. The Constitution of India may be amended appropriately, if need arises, to legally put in the place the mechanism as above enumerated.
Under the proposed law, the Higher Judiciary including the office of the Chief Justice of India should specifically be made amenable to the command of the Right to Information Act.
Tuesday, August 2, 2011
UNDESIRABILITY OF INCLUSION OF HIGHER JUDICIARY WITHIN LOKPAL's NET
Judicial Bill
This refers to the report, “UPA keeps PM, judiciary out of Lokpal purview; Anna cries foul” (July 29), and subsequent editorial, “Countdown to Lokpal: Eradicating corruption will be a tall order” (July 30).
I hold the view that bringing the higher judiciary within the purview of the Lokpal would spell doom for the much-cherished judicial independence. The demand from various quarters, including the civil society group led by Anna Hazare for including the higher judiciary within the purview of the Lokpal, is undesirable.
It would be right to have a mechanism for effective judicial oversight of senior judges by their peers, assisted by a body reflecting the inclusion of the concerns of other stakeholders. Independence of the higher judiciary is sacrosanct. The judiciary commands a special constitutional position in the task of delivering all-encompassing justice to “We, the people”, and in bringing home the numerous other ideals enshrined in the Constitution of India.
The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill is hanging fire for some time. It should be made into a law without any further delay.
Dr RAJENDER GOYAL, Bahadurgarh
Sunday, July 24, 2011
The mounting unfilled vacancies in judiciary also negates constitutional mandate
The scourge of frivolous litigation is a colossal menace for efficient administration of justice. The Hon’ble Supreme Court of India has struck the hammer right on its head. Frivolous litigations take heavy toll on judicial resource and time. Besides, the Constitution of India mandates, inter alia, that the State shall secure that the operation of the legal system promotes justice, on the basis of equal opportunity.
Referring to a study, the Apex Court observed: “Ninety per cent of our court time and resources are consumed in attending to uncalled-for litigation, which is created only because our current procedures and practices hold out an incentive to the wrongdoer. Those involved receive less than full justice and there are many more in the country, in fact, a greater number than those involved who suffer injustice because they have little access to justice, in fact, lack of awareness and confidence in the justice system.”
The Judgment further records that "as civil litigation was largely based on documents, it would be the bounden duty and obligation of the trial judge to carefully scrutinize, check and verify the peadings and documents filed by the parties. The court should resort to discovery and production of documents and interrogatories at the earliest according to the object of the Civil Procedure Code. Imposition of actual, realistic or proper costs and/or ordering prosecution would go a long way in controlling the tendency on the litigants to introduce false pleadings and forged and fabricated documents. Imposition of heavy costs would also control unnecessary adjournments". "In appropriate cases, the courts may consider ordering prosecution, otherwise it may not be possible to maintain the purity and sanctity of judicial proceedings."
It further says: "Courts have to be extremely careful in granting ad-interim ex-parte injunction. If injunction has been granted on the basis of false pleadings or forged documents, then the concerned court must impose costs, grant realistic or actual mesne profits and/or order prosecution. This must be done to discourage the dishonest and unscrupulous litigants from abusing the judicial system. In substance, we have to remove the incentive or profit for the wrongdoer."
It, in essence, intones that "Litigation should not be permitted to turn into a fruitful industry so that the unscruplous litigants are encouraged to invoke the jurisdiction of the court. No litigant should be allowed to derive benefit from the mere pendency of a case in a court of law and no party can take any benefit of his own wrongs. The institution of litigation can not be permitted to confer any advantage on a party by delayed action of courts. It is the bounden duty and obligation of the court to neutralise any unjust enrichment and undeserved gain made by any party by invoking the jurisdiction of the court. When a party applies and gets a stay or injunction from the court, it is always at the risk and responsibility of the party applying. An order of stay can not be permitted to be conferment of additional right upon the litigating party.The persons in wrongful possession should not only be removed from the place of wrongful possession as early as possible but also be compelled to pay for wrongful use by way of fine, penalty and cost".
Giving an example of the problem, the Bench said: “It is a matter of common knowledge that lakhs of flats and houses are kept locked for years, particularly in big cities, because the owners are not certain that even after the expiry of the lease or licence period, the house, flat or the apartment would be vacated. It takes decades for the final determination of the controversy and wrongdoers are never adequately punished. Pragmatic approach of the courts would partly solve the housing problem.”
Some time back, Andhra Pradesh High Court Judge Justice V V Rao said, "If one considers the total pendency of cases in the Indian judicial system, every judge in the country will have an average load of about 2,147 cases. Indian judiciary would take 320 years to clear the backlog of 31.28 million cases pending in various courts including High courts in the country”.
About 55,000 cases are currently pending with the Supreme Court, 42 lakh with High Courts and 2.8 crore with subordinate courts. Pendency has increased by 148% in the Supreme Court, 53% in High Courts and 36% in subordinate courts in the last 10 years.
However, we can choose to lose sight of the fact at our own peril that awesome pendency of cases and consequent denial of justice to the teeming litigants also have close and inextricable nexus with the mounting unfilled vacancies in judiciary. The sanctioned strength of judges is 31 for the Supreme Court, 895 for the High Courts and 17,151 for the subordinate judges. 33% of the sanctioned positions in High Courts are currently vacant. Among High Courts, the highest number of vacancies are in the Allahabad High Court (60%), followed by the Punjab and Haryana High Court (38%) and the Calcutta High Court (28%). Vacancies in subordinate courts equal 18% of the total sanctioned strength. The corresponding figure for the Supreme Court is 6%. What adds to the woes is that the vacancies are not filled timely and adequately notwithstanding the numerous judgments of the Apex Court on this score.
Friday, July 8, 2011
Higher judiciary should be out side of the purview of the Lokpal
The demand from various quarters including the Civil Society Group led by Sh. Anna Hazare for including the Higher Judiciary within the purview of Lokpal is undesirable. For a democratic government, the rule of law is a basic requirement, and for the maintenance of the rule of law, there must be an independent and impartial judiciary. It is the first condition to protect and safeguard the inalienable & indefeasible constitutional liberties and other rights of the citizens. In a federal Constitution, it plays another important role: it determines the limits of the power of the Centre and State.
However, it is nobody’s case that Higher Judiciary should be left unchecked. The not so uncommon reports of the impropriety, misconduct and corruption in the Higher Judiciary is highly perturbing and is subliminally undermining the faith and confidence of the People in the Institution of Higher Judiciary. The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill is hanging fire for some time in its various rechristened variants. The grim situation brooks no delay for the bill to be made into law forthwith. The Bill envisages a broad based “National Judicial Oversight Committee” (NJOC) and an all Judges “Scrutiny Committee”. However, it is urged upon that to preserve the sacrosanct “Independence of Higher Judiciary”, the final decision body i.e. “National Judicial Oversight Committee” (NJOC) should consist of Judges only and conversely to usher in judicial accountability the proposed “Scrutiny Committee” should be broad based.
Monday, April 18, 2011
THE RIGHT TO FREE EDUCATION
Right to free education
The RTE Act, 2009, which guarantees free and compulsory elementary education to the children between the age of 6 and 14 is unprecedented. Now the onus lies on the parents or guardians of the children to enroll them in a suitable neighbourhood school. The governments, local authorities and prominent members of civil society are under an obligation to sensitise every stakeholder to make the best out of this coveted opportunity. Some knotty challenges like defining, identifying and notifying the neighbourhood schools; modalities for enrolments towards a 25% quota in private unaided schools (specifically considering that the screening test in any form is forbidden); furnishing of infrastructure; skepticism about the replacement of the admission criterion of ‘skill-appropriate class’ with ‘age-appropriate class’; repercussions of opening admissions round the year, etc, need to be addressed immediately after eliciting the views of all stakeholders. However, going beyond the realm of the said law, the moot point is to bring home the realisation about the wholesome impact of the ‘holistic education’ in the life of a human being.
RAJENDER GOYAL, Bahadurgarh
Saturday, April 9, 2011
Reference is salutary
However, it is no gainsaid to emphasize that every individual and institution in the country has heavy stakes in the well being and wholesomeness of the higher judiciary – the custodian of the Indian Constitution. Hence, it will be desirable to evolve a system which is all-inclusive and reflective of various facets of our ‘the body politic’ while keeping at the helm the “Independence of Judiciary”.
It is strongly felt that there is a need for a all-judges National Judicial Commission (NJC) to undertake the work of appointment of the Judges of the Higher Judiciary- consisting of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) and the four senior most Supreme Court judges in the case of appointments in the Supreme Court, and of the CJI, two senior most Supreme Court judges and two senior most High Court Chief Justices in the case of High Court. The Chief Justice of India should be the Chairman of the Commission. In case of appointment of judges in the High Court, the Chief Justice of the concerned High Court and the Chief Minister of the State where that High Court is situated shall also be the Members. It is suggested that there should be another broad based authority juxtaposed with the NJC. The authority being suggested here will be in addition to the NJC that shall be performing the work of a screening committee and thereafter, refer the same to the NJC for final recommendations. This Committee could be named as "Empowered Committee". It could have one member as a Chief Justice of India or his nominee, two Members as the Speaker, Lok Sabha and Chairman, Rajya Sabha or their nominees. There could be one nominated representative of the Prime Minister and one representative of the Bar Council of India. An outstanding law academician would also be the member. He shall be elected by the confederation of Law institutes, the department of Laws of various Universities, the specialized Law Universities like National Law Schools and deemed Law Universities like Indian Law Institutes.
Monday, February 7, 2011
Karnataka Imbroglio: propriety of Governor’s decision
Under Article 163 of the Indian Constitution, normally the Governor acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers except in the cases where the Governor is by or under the Constitution required to exercise his function or any of them in his discretion. If any question arises whether any matter is or is not a matter as respects which the Governor is by or under this Constitution required to act in his discretion, the decision of the Governor in his discretion shall be final, and the validity of anything done by the Governor shall not be called in question on the ground that he ought or ought not to have acted in his discretion.
It is against all canons of justice to make a man judge in his own cause. Sometimes bias is likely to operate in a subtle manner. Decision makers may not even be aware of the extent to which their opinion gets influenced. It is possible to contend that a Council of Ministers may not take a fair and impartial decision when his Chief Minister or other members of the Council face prosecution. Hence, when there is to be a prosecution of the Chief Minister, the Governor should, while determining whether sanction for such prosecution should be granted or not, as a matter of propriety, necessarily act in his own discretion and not on the advice of the Council of Ministers. For the interest of democratic Government and its functioning, the Governor must act in such a case on his own without being motivated by extraneous political considerations. Otherwise, he will become an instrument for serving the personal and selfish interests of some other person(s) and in turn, will be seen protecting his/her own vested interest.
Wednesday, February 2, 2011
Rejoinder to my comment entitled "Regulating Research" (January 14) apropos Ramesh Gupta's Article "Improving the quality of PhD research" (Jan 4)
Research quality
The article “Improving the quality of PhD research” (Jan 4) by Ramesh Gupta and subsequent letters “Regulating research” by Rajender Goyal and “Quality of research is more vital’ by Sanjeev Trikha, caught my attention. If Indians really want to move forward in frontier areas not only of scientific research, but also of social sciences with new vision, the quality of PhD theses that students produce (its number is more than 8,500 per year in India) year-after-year under the so-called active guidance of their peers, they have to really be honest and sincere.
For the poor quality of PhD research, only the non-innovative, dishonest, lazy and greedy guide is responsible and not the student who is malleable and can be given any shape by a master craftsman.
RANBIR SINGH, New Delhi